Squib #1: “Winter” in Algic

I’m going to try to post more short little squibs on minor points, with more frequency, rather than having every post here be a monograph. So let’s start today by looking at the word for “winter” in Algic languages.

(I’ve written on this briefly in a couple of documents, but whatever, I assume no one looks at those.)

The Wiyot word for “winter” was literally “rainy season,” (ká)p^haʔwəḍ ~ (ká)p^hawəʔn ~ (ka)p^háwəʔn,^[1] and unconnected with the terms in the rest of Algic. However, the Yurok and Proto-Algonquian terms—Yurok kipun and PA *peponwi—are cognate with one another and can be traced back to a Proto-Algic etymon **pəpwən-, despite some complications to clear up.

Let’s begin with PA. *peponwi is both a noun meaning “winter; year” and an II verb meaning “be winter; be a year.” The noun is zero-derived from the verb, which is the primary, original term. The *-w-i portion is inflectional elements, leaving us with the stem *pepon-. But there is reason to think this can be further segmented, at least etymologically. The clue lies in the verb *peʔθa·n- “to snow (II).” *-θa·n is a well-attested Final meaning “precipitate, rain,” but as Pentland (1996:350) observes, the initial element of this verb, “*peʔ-,” is not found elsewhere. It’s long been known, however, that PA *ʔC clusters derive from earlier sequences of stop + consonant, and Pentland ingeniously proposes that the original initial element here was an Initial *pepw- (pre-PA *pepwθa·n- → PA *peʔθa·n-), which would also be found in the verb “be winter,” which Pentland reconstructed as consisting of *pepw- + the stative II Final *-an, which is found in another season name, *si·kwan- “be early spring (II).”

There’s a complication here, however. The combination *pepw-an- in Proto-Algonquian would result in surface *pepo·n- with a long *o·, which is indeed how Pentland reconstructed the word. But this reconstruction is wrong. As discussed in detail in this post, most Algonquian languages shared a diffused sound change which lengthened a short *o in the second syllable of a word if the vowel in the first syllable was also short (Goddard 1994:191, 2001:182). This change didn’t extend to Arapaho-Gros Ventre or the Cree-Innu language group, and both of these subfamilies reflect “winter” with a short *o, indicating that the proper reconstruction is PA *pepon-. The languages reflecting putative *pepo·n- have undergone the second syllable *o-lengthening shift. Relevant cognates are given in the following footnote.^[2]

Pentland’s precise solution of *pepw- + *-an is thus not possible. However, there was another abstract/stative II Final, of the shape *-en, and in PA the combination *|w-e| gave short *o rather than long *o·. Additionally, this same Final *-en is also found in another season name, *ni·pen- “be (late) summer, the time of ripe crops (II).”

We can thus modify Pentland’s proposal and reconstruct the PA term for “winter” as *pepon-, composed of *pepw- (meaning something like “winter” (?)) + the II Final *-en.

The expected Proto-Algic etymon of a PA word of this shape and morphological composition would be **pəpwən- = **pəpw-ən-. The expected Yurok reflex of such an etymon would be ^xpepun or similar, but this is not what we find. Instead, the Yurok term is kipun. But there’s a clear solution to this mismatch, shown by Howard Berman a number of years ago (Berman 1982:416, expanding on Haas 1958:167): at least one other Yurok season name begins with the sequence /ki/, kišen ~ kisen “(be) summer.” Haas (1958:167) also reports recording kikyah “spring,” though the normal term reflected in the Yurok dictionary (YLP) is just kyah “spring; vernal; to rise (sun or moon).”^[3] In other words, Yurok reshaped an inherited *pepun “winter” to kipun by contamination with kišen “summer” (which, note, is also two syllables and ends in /n/) and perhaps kikyah “spring,” if that word exists/existed. (Even if it didn’t, at least kyah begins in a /kj/ sequence, close enough to /ki/ that it certainly couldn’t hurt any contamination process!)

Note that Berman’s precise proposal was actually slightly different; see the following footnote for details.^[4]

To summarize: the Proto-Algic verb stem for “be winter” (cognate set WINTER) can be reconstructed as **pəpwən-, consisting of an Initial **pəpw- presumably itself meaning something like “winter,” plus a verb Final **-ən, which already in PAc must have had a relatively abstract meaning, if it carried any at all beyond perhaps vague argument structure or Aktionsart type things. (It’s unclear to me whether it might have any demonstrable Yurok or Wiyot cognates.) In Algonquian, the verb stem retained its expected form, while the semantics were broadened to also encompass “be a year” (from the practice of reckoning the passage of a year by winters, i.e. “X number of winters” = “X number of years”); and, as happened in a great many cases, an associated noun (“winter; year”) was created by zero-derivation from the third-person singular inflected verb. The initial element **pəpw- otherwise survives only hidden in the verb *peʔθa·n- “to snow (II).” Meanwhile, in Yurok, inherited *pepun was reshaped to kipun based on kišen “summer; be summer,” and perhaps other words.

Sources Used [click to expand]

(“AIL-M” = Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics Memoir)
(“IJAL” = International Journal of American Linguistics)
(“SCOIL” = “Survey of California and Other Indian Languages)

• Alford, Thomas W[ildcat] (1929). The Four Gospels of Our Lord Jesus Christ in Shawnee Indian Language. Xenia, OH: W. A. Galloway/Nay-Nah-Ko-Nah-Kah.
• Béland, Jean Pierre (1978). Atikamekw Morphology and Lexicon. Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley.
• Berman, Howard (1982). “Two Phonological Innovations in Ritwan.” IJAL 48(4): 412-420. DOI: 10.1086/465750.
• Bloomfield, Leonard (1975). Menominee Lexicon, ed. Charles F. Hockett. Milwaukee Public Museum Publications in Anthropology & History 3. Milwaukee: Milwaukee Public Museum.
• CDO = Fisher, Louise, Wayne Leman, Leroy Pine Sr., and Marie Sanchez (2017). Cheyenne Dictionary Online. Chief Dull Knife College. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• Costa, David J. (2003). The Miami-Illinois Language. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
• DAtk = Chachai, Véronique, Marie-Odile Junker, and Nicole Petiquay, eds. (2015–). Dictionnaire Atikamekw. Algonquian Dictionaries Project. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• ECOD = Junker, Marie-Odile, Marguerite MacKenzie, Luci Bobbish-Salt, Alice Duff, Linda Visitor, Ruth Salt, Anna Blacksmith, Patricia Diamond, and Pearl Weistche, eds. (2018). The Eastern James Bay Cree Dictionary on the Web: English-Cree and Cree-English, French-Cree and Cree-French (Northern and Southern dialects). Algonquian Dictionaries Project. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• ESMCD = Ellis, C. Douglas, and Marie-Odile Junker, eds. (2018–). Eastern Swampy and Moose Cree Dictionary. Algonquian Dictionaries Project. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• FSCD = MacKenzie, Marguerite, ed. (2015–). Wasaho Ininîwimowin: Fort Severn Cree Dictionary. Algonquian Dictionaries Project. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• Goddard, Ives (1994). “The West-to-East Cline in Algonquian Dialectology.” In Actes du Vingt-Cinquième Congrès des Algonquinistes, ed. William Cowan, pp. 187-211. Ottawa: Carleton University.
• Goddard, Ives (2001). “Contraction in Fox (Meskwaki).” In Actes du Trente-Deuxième Congrès des Algonquinistes, ed. John D. Nichols, pp. 164-230. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.
• Goddard, Ives, and Lucy Thomason (2014). A Meskwaki-English and English-Meskwaki Dictionary, Based on Early Twentieth-Century Writings by Native Speakers. Petoskey, MI: Mundart Press.
• Haas, Mary R. (1958). “Algonkian-Ritwan: The End of a Controversy.” IJAL 24(3): 159-173. DOI: 10.1086/464453.
• Itwêwina = Arppe, Antti, Eddie Antonio Santos, Matt Yan, Atticus Harrigan, Katherine Schmirler, Kwabema Amoh, and Arok Wolvengrey, eds. (2019–). Itwêwina: Plains Cree Intelligent Dictionary. Alberta Language Technology Lab, University of Alberta. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• Macaulay, Monica, Laura Welcher, Kimberly Wensaut, Jordan Brown, Noah Diewald, and Hunter Lockwood, compilers (2014). Ézhe-Bmadzimgek Gdebodwéwadmi-Zheshmomenan / How Our Potawatomi Language Lives: Potawatomi Dictionary. From fluent speakers Billy Daniels, Jr., Jim Thunder, Sr., and Mary Jane Thunder. Crandon, WI: Forest County Potawatomi Community.
• MCOD = Brousseau, Kevin, ed. (2014–). Moose Cree Online Dictionary. Moose Factory’s Community Language Project, Moose Cree First Nation. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• Merriam = Merriam, C. Hart (1910–1923). [Wiyot vocabularies given by consultants Jerry James, Birdie James, Mr. and Mrs. Bill Brennard, Sarah McGuire, Mrs. Koonskin, and others, September 12-14, 1910 through 1923]. C/3a-c/V15, frames 1-86, Microfilm reel 32, BANC FILM 1022, C. Hart Merriam Papers, Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. [Finding aid available here.] Accessed October 14, 2023.
• NsD = MacKenzie, Marguerite, and Bill Jancewicz, eds. (2015). Naskapi Dictionary. Algonquian Dictionaries Project. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• OID = Junker, Marie-Odile, and Marguerite MacKenzie, eds. (2016). Online Innu Dictionary. Algonquian Dictionaries Project. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• PbD = Penobscot Dictionary (2015). Penobscot Cultural & Historic Preservation. Accessed December 25, 2023.
• Pentland, David H. (1996). “Verbs of Precipitation in Algonquian.” In Nikotwâsik Iskwâhtêm, Pâskihtêpayih! Studies in Honor of H.C. Wolfart, eds. John D. Nichols and Arden C. Ogg, pp. 337-353. AIL-M 13. Winnipeg: Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics.
• PotD = Citizen Potawatomi Nation, Department of Language (2020–). Potawatomi Dictionary. Accessed December 26, 2023.
• Powers, Stephen (1877). Tribes of California. Contributions to North American Ethnology 3. Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountains, U.S. Department of the Interior. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
• Schaefer, Carl (2017). [Interlinear version of the Gospel of John from Alford 1929, December 12, 2017]. Supplementary materials for Schaefer (2019). Algonquian Conference Supplementary Materials. Accessed March 30, 2020.
• Schaefer, Carl (2019). “Alford’s Shawnee Translation of the Gospels.” In Papers of the Forty-Eighth Algonquian Conference, eds. Monica Macaulay and Margaret Noodin, pp. 221-238. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press.
• Starks, Donna J. (1992). Aspects of Woods Cree Syntax. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Manitoba.
• Strachey, William (1953 [1612]). The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, eds. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund. London: Hakluyt Society.
• Teeter, Karl V. (1958). [Wiyot vocabulary given by consultant Della Prince, Beatrice, California, November 25, 1958]. Item number Teeter.001 in the collection Miscellaneous Papers from the Survey of California and Other Indian Languages. SCOIL, University of California, Berkeley. DOI: 10.7297/X2WD3XJ7. Accessed December 17, 2021.
• Teeter, Karl V., and John D. Nichols (1993). Wiyot Handbook I: Glossary and Concordance. AIL-M 10. Winnipeg: Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics.
• Voegelin, C. F. (1938–1940). Shawnee Stems and the Jacob P. Dunn Miami Dictionary. 5 parts. Prehistory Research Series 1(3): 63-108, 1(5): 135-167, 1(8): 289-341, 1(9): 345-406, 1(10): 409-478. Indianapolis: Indiana Historical Society.
• Williams, Roger (1643). A Key into the Language of America . . . . London: Gregory Dexter.
• YLP = Garrett, Andrew, project director (2001–). Yurok Language Project. Accessed December 25, 2023.

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1. Teeter (1958:7) ⟨kóboʔwaṛ⟩; cf. Teeter and Nichols (1993:182); cf. also Ezra Williams in Powers (1877:480) with ⟨pow-wer⟩, and Merriam (reel 32, frame 45 [C/3a-c/V15]) with ⟨Pah´-wahn⟩ (Wiki dialect) and ⟨Pah´-wer⟩ “Fall & winter” (Wiyat dialect). ↑
2. As noted, the Arapaho-Gros Ventre and Cree-Innu language groups reflect short *o. Arapaho čéč, pl. čéčinii ← PAGV *kekin (Goddard 1994:191; where Arapahoan i and ii are the regular reflexes of PA *o and *o·); Plains Cree / Woods Cree (Starks 1992:418) / Swampy Cree (ESMCD; FSCD) / Moose Cree pipon, East Cree (ECOD) / Naskapi pipun, Innu ⟨pipun⟩ /pupun/ or /pʊ̆pʊ̆n/ ← Proto-Cree *piponwi. The Atikamekw dialect has an anomalous pipōn (Béland 1978:550; DAtk) with a long vowel, but this must be a loan from Ojibwe. I don’t have good enough sources on Gros Ventre to be confident of how to evaluate its cited terms.

   Because of other phonological developments, all the Eastern Algonquian languages (Penobscot pə̀pon, Narragansett ⟨Papòne⟩ /pəpoːn/ [Williams 1643:65], Virginia Algonquian ⟨Puppoan noh⟩ †/pəpoːnəw/ [Strachey 1953:206], etc.) could reflect either a long or a short vowel. The remaining languages with a cognate reflect lengthened post-PA *o·: Cheyenne āā’e ~ áa’e, pl. aènȯtse, oblique aénéva = |aén| (|é| is the regular reflex of *o·); Menominee pepōn “be winter; (etc.),” pāēpōnōwek “when it was winter” (Bloomfield 1975:210-211) = |pepōn-|; Ojibwe biboon; Miami-Illinois pipoonwi (Costa 2003:362), Meskwaki-Sauk pepôwi, Kickapoo pepoonwi, Shawnee pepoonwi ~ pepooni (Alford 1929, John 10:23; Schaefer 2017; Voegelin 1938–1940:378).

   Potawatomi may present some complications in trying to establish whether its /o/ in bbo / bbomgət / (etc.) is underlying strong |o| ← *o·, but the point is moot because these are ultimately loans from Sauk pepô- (with some speakers later adding the meaningless augment -mgət). A native reflex bbon ~ pon of the PA term does exist, but (as far as I know?) only in non-initial contexts where the original quality of the /o/ is impossible to tease out, or in older documentation in which I’m also not aware of any unambiguous evidence. ↑

3. Possibly Haas misheard the phrase k’i kyah “(the) spring,” with the definite article k’i, as “kikyah”? ↑
4. Berman actually proposed that the original PAc term was (in his notation) **po·n-, with PA “*pepo·n-” (again, at that time still erroneously reconstructed with a long *o·) showing reduplication, and Yurok ki- simply being prefixed to inherited *pun by analogy with the other season names in ki-. Such reduplication appears to me to be unmotivated except in order to explain the mismatched forms, and the solution adopted here, that Yurok reshaped an inherited initial syllable rather than added a new one to an inherited stem, is more plausible even before we take into account the Algonquian evidence on where the stem should be segmented. ↑